I apologize sincerely to georgesoros. Learn more of the truth about this at https: Before her apology, and while she was parrying appalled responses to her attack on Jarrett, Barr was also dueling with Chelsea Clinton, whom she said in a series of tweets was married to a nephew of George Soros.
It was not only the faith traditions that have consistently advocated for immigrants—the Catholic and mainline Protestant and Muslim and Jewish groups—but also those white evangelicals who are often key Trump supporters. It is right and good to see such a faithful outcry to injustice.
But in this moment, all faith groups must do more. They must do more than issue thoughts and prayers and statements. They must work to combat the systemic injustice still taking place—an area where evangelicals have often fallen short, even as Latinos join their churches in rapid numbers.
The Catholic Church is the primary religious home of millions of Latinos, but now 19 percent of American Latinos identify as evangelical or Pentecostal—a challenge and an invitation to these faith communities for direct action.
The reality is that the separation of immigrant families has already been taking place across the country, as ICE raids rip workers from factories and fields in Tennessee, CaliforniaIowaand Ohioamong other locations.
Children are living in paralyzing fear as they wait for their undocumented parents to come home. Parents fear being swept up as they drop children off at school. A study by the Pew Research Center shows the widespread fear of deportation that Latinos face.
Immigration critics would argue that people fail to realize the foundational issue regarding immigration is about breaking U. If it were only about laws and process.
What we are witnessing is unaccountable police action on a nationwide scale with an unlimited mandate intent on instilling fear. Undocumented workers continue to face the wretched irony of looking for and being desired for work yet confronting a legal state apparatus that puts them at jeopardy every time they drive to work.
During the early decades of the twentieth century, Mexican immigration continued unrestricted, even though Mexican people were viewed as undesirable. They were needed for a variety of industries reliant on cheap labor. The nativism of the s reverberates today when Trump describes Mexicans as rapists and criminals, parroting a historical narrative that sees immigrants as degenerate to the moral life of the U.
It is also not lost on us that when the U. Some congregations have mobilized to protect undocumented persons from deportation by offering to house them within their buildings through what is known as the sanctuary movement. Sanctuary as direct action is most prevalent in what we describe as a benefactor class of religious traditions committed to social justice for decades, but also a class that stands to lose very little in terms of social and cultural capital because the numbers of Latinos in Unitarian Universalist UUJewish, and mainline Protestant congregations is very small compared to Catholic and evangelical churches.
Evangelicals and Pentecostals, by and large, have been unmoored from any deep theological tradition of social teaching regarding immigration, never having developed a systematic response to state injustices. When set in the balance against the weighty record of Catholic and mainline Protestant public social and civil advocacy, indeed the writing on the wall spells out that evangelicals and Pentecostals are found wanting.
This absence of advocacy has thus far not been ameliorated by para-church organizations, such as the National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference, whose leader Samuel Rodriguez has been self-appointed to advocate on behalf of Latino evangelicals.
But perhaps, in some cases, our decoding of that writing is misguided by our interpretive code of what responses ought to look like. That Latino Pentecostal and evangelical churches have long been home to a large number of undocumented immigrants is no secret.
Could an intimate setting of worship and social bonding be bereft of any political engagement? Two case studies in California prove instructive. He examined how Latino Pentecostals were spurred into political action and public protest by the notorious state ballot measure Proposition which was meant to kill access to education, non-emergency health care, and a number of other services for undocumented immigrants.
His study challenged researchers to consider how undocumented Latino Pentecostals live between two publics: The highly informal system of offering solidarity, safe places, and hospitality is the kind of support that is to be found in Latino Pentecostal churches.
But should these churches also be doing more outward political advocacy as well? In the end, the management of deportability does little to dismantle a system.
In this religious and political formulation, the sin and crime of illegality are imputed to the individual rather than the state. The capricious deporting state is swift to render its verdict on such issues. It takes its victims by surprise.
I never thought it would happen to me. You have to make a plan. Many religious people will continue to do social justice work and aid immigrants. The late agitator extraordinaire Fr. And more urgently, how shall we do this in a bad time?
Her latest book is Pentecostals in America. Lloyd Barba is a postdoctoral fellow in the department of religion at Amherst College.Feb 20, · For example, on July 5, , a mob of 2, in Downieville, Calif., watched the extralegal hanging of a Mexican woman named Juana Loaiza, who had been accused of having murdered a white man named.
Jun 15, · Treatment of immigrants in Mexico much worse than any other country. While Mexican politicians complain about the mistreatment of Mexican immigrants fleeing to the United States, Mexico is .
Jan 17, · U.S. authorities mistreated suspected illegal immigrants at five prisons and jails nationwide, violating federal standards meant to ensure safe and humane custody, according to a government report.
The Bracero Program, officially referred to as the Mexican Farm Labor Program, was an agreement between Mexico and the United States that allowed Mexican men short-term/legal entry into America in order to work on primarily agricultural contracts.
The evidence that immigrants tend not to be criminals is overwhelming.
To begin with, there is an inverse relationship between crime and immigration. Crime rates in the United States have trended downward for many years at the same time that the number of immigrants has grown. Viewed as alien and low status, Mexican immigrants were (and continue to be) scapegoated and targeted for mistreatment.
Even though immigrants were a minority of all Mexican Americans up to the s, the perception of all Mexican Americans as low status immigrants has been pervasive (Massey, ; Vasquez, ).