One informal analysis suggests short first names are strongly correlated with higher salaries. They are bad in several ways, and modern glyphs are little better. For example, v and w, or m and n.
It was a grand evening. Charlton Heston was the master of ceremonies; the audience included William J. Thirteen months earlier Ronald Reagan had been re-elected, carrying every state in the Union except Walter Mondale's Minnesota.
I pray that my son, when he is 60, and your son, when he is 60 … will live in a world from which the great ugliness that has scarred our century has passed.
Enjoying their freedoms, they will be grateful that, at the threatened nightfall, the blood of their fathers ran strong. The scene from the Plaza, in a ballroom resplendent with flowers, full of guests cheered by wine, is glittery, and emblematic of the days of the Age of Reagan.
Buckley's cold-war remarks were primal, reflecting the ancient human urge to protect one's own from gathering dangers.
A month before, in NovemberAl From, the former staff director of the House Democratic Caucus, had been in North Carolina, flying from Raleigh to Greensboro, on a trip to talk wavering Democrats into staying in the fold after Mondale.
There was congressional business in Washington, and From had already canceled the last leg of the journey, an event in Charlotte.
Landing in Greensboro in the rain, the group made its gloomy way to an airport hotel for a fundraiser.
It is easy—for some, even tempting—to detect the dawn of a new progressive era in the autumn of Barack Obama's campaign for the presidency. Eight years of Republican rule have produced two Founding fathers essay thesis endless wars, an economy in recession, Founding fathers essay thesis giant federal intervention in the financial sector and a nearly universal feeling of unease in the country 86 percent of Americans are dissatisfied with how things are going, and 73 percent disapprove of the president's performance.
Should Obama win, he will have to govern a nation that is more instinctively conservative than it is liberal—a perennial reality that past Democratic presidents have ignored at their peril. A party founded by Andrew Jackson on the principle that "the majority is to govern" has long found itself flummoxed by the failure of that majority to see the virtues of the Democrats and the vices of the Republicans.
The pattern has deep roots. FDR had a longish run from tobut he lost significant ground in the midterm elections and again in the largely forgotten wartime midterms of After he defeated Barry Goldwater inLBJ had only two years of great success Ronald Reagan won the California governorship in before Vietnam, and the white backlash helped elect Richard Nixon in Jimmy Carter lasted only a term, and Bill Clinton's Democrats were crushed in the elections.
The subsequent success of his presidency had as much to do with reforming welfare and managing the prosperity of the technology boom as it did with advancing traditional Democratic causes. Republican presidents, too, are frequently pulled from the right to the center.
Nixon instituted wage and price controls and created the Environmental Protection Agency. Reagan cut taxes, then increased them, presided over the expansion of the federal government and wound up successfully negotiating with what he had once called the Evil Empire.
Bush swore he would not raise taxes, but did. So are we a centrist country, or a right-of-center one? I think the latter, because the mean to which most Americans revert tends to be more conservative than liberal.
According to the NEWSWEEK Poll, nearly twice as many people call themselves conservatives as liberals 40 percent to 20 percentand Republicans have dominated presidential politics—in many ways the most personal, visceral vote we cast—for 40 years.
SinceDemocrats have won only three of 10 general electionsandand in those years they were led by Southern Baptist nominees who ran away from the liberal label. The conservative label is often applied to people of all sorts and conditions: There are just as many, if not more, varieties of liberal.
But in broad strokes I mean "conservative" in the way most of us have come to use it in recent decades: It is an eclectic crew. The argument I am making—that we are at heart a right-leaning country skeptical of government once a crisis that requires government has passed—is probably going to look dumb, or at least out of step, for many months to come.
A big blue tsunami appears imminent. Election night and the first phase of a possible Obama administration may feel as though we have left the old categories behind, striking out on a bold new path in which pragmatism trumps dogma.
Bold new paths are a specialty for new administrations, until they become safe old paths. Economically, the deficits are so vast that we're all supersized Keynesians now, and there will most likely be political and intellectual cover for a stimulus package of new spending in the new year.
The American relationship with government is so fraught with hypocrisy and cognitive dissonance that it is difficult to discuss with any degree of rationality.
Many dislike the state, except when the state is helping them; many hate paying taxes, except they expect the government to be able to fulfill the obligations war, infrastructure, emergency relief, the rescue of investment banks they think it should fulfill. If we are in a season in which government appears to hold answers to certain problems, then there will be much talk for a time about an emerging Democratic governing majority.
Such speculation is not crazy. From the Adam Smith-inverting bailout of the financial system to evidence of slightly less religious intensity, there are signs that the Americans of are far from the crusading townspeople of "Inherit the Wind.
Yes, the country may show signs of a receptivity to more-activist government and to a gentler tone on social issues involving religion and sexuality, but when we compare ourselves with, say, Europe—which the left loves to do, especially when assessing our foreign policy—we remain strikingly conservative.1.
As a group, why are the Founding Fathers historically unique? The Founding Fathers were the first of their kind to hold political office within a republic. Islamic thought and sources influenced and made important contributions both to the radical Enlightenment and the early American Revolution.
Clear and credible historical evidence demonstrates that many Founding Fathers of America were either “deists” or “Unitarians.”. The "traditional" view is that Eastern European Jews descend almost entirely from French and German Jews.
This essay presents the pros and cons of the controversial "Khazar theory" of Eastern European Jewish origins and will attempt to provide a likely middle-ground solution to the question. The Nationalist's Delusion.
Trump’s supporters backed a time-honored American political tradition, disavowing racism while promising to enact a broad agenda of discrimination. The President, which was towed to Mare Island in March to be scrapped. In May, it was towed out again, this time to Texas, in a swap for its sister ship, the President Lincoln, which was deemed too un-seaworthy to make the voyage to Texas.
Essay: The founding fathers George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, and so many others were known as this Country’s Founding Fathers. The controversy about whether the Founding Fathers were patriots or traitors has been going on for a .
West has spent the better part of a very productive life studying the American founding as deeply as anyone ever could. The result is the most important political book published in my lifetime, a distinction I expect it will hold even if I live another half century. The American Empire. By Wade Frazier. Revised July Purpose and Disclaimer. Timeline. Introduction. The New World Before “Discovery,” and the First Contacts. Thesis The debate over the issue of whether or not American citizens have the undisputed right to bear arms is a controversy that has been brought up many times dating back to the late s.